The decision of the Governor of Goa to dismiss my Government is unconstitutional, illegal, arbitrary and politically motivated.
I would like to place before the nation, both the sequence of events as well as the political conspiracy hatched by the Congress high command, misusing the high office of the Governor.
Contrary to the perception in the media that instability in Goa was caused by defection of BJP MLAs, I would like to make it clear that the reality is completely different. None of the 17 MLAs of the BJP, who had won in the Assembly elections in June 2002, has defected till date.
My government has won widespread appreciation from all sections of the people in Goa for its pro?development approach and its spotlessly clean image. Recent political events in the state were triggered off by my strong action against one of the ministers, Shri Atanasio "Babush" Monserrate, a UGDP MLA who had later joined the BJP. As the minister of Town and Country Planning, he had started indulging in massive Corruption by converting land into commercial zone and bypassing the established urban development plans. The people were naturally concerned that Goa would be ruined if the minister's corrupt practices remained unchecked. I received numerous complaints against this minister.
Therefore, even at the risk of reducing my government's majority in the House, on January 27 1 stripped him of this important portfolio. Before doing so, I even took the Leader of the Opposition, Shri Pratap Singh Rane (who has now been wrongfully and unconstitutionally sworn in as the Chief Minister) into confidence that action against Mr. Monserrate had become necessary to save Goa. I would like to mention that Shri Rane supported my decision.
Mr. Monserrate resigned from the cabinet and, subsequently, along with three other MLAs who had pledged their support to my government, resigned from the House. At the instigation of the Congress party, Mr. Monserrate tried to persuade two other MLAs, one independent and the other belonging to the MGP, to withdraw their support to my government.
As a result of the resignation of four MLAs, the strength of the House was reduced to 36. My government continued to enjoy the support of 17 members of the BJP, including the Speaker, and one MLA, Mr. Mathany Saldhana, belonging to the UGDP.
Right from the beginning, I had maintained that the question whether the government enjoyed majority or not, must be ascertained on the floor of the House and not in Raj Bhavan. However, I was aware that the Raj Bhavan had already set in motion, under directions from the Congress High Command, efforts to destabilise my government.
I convened a meeting of my council of ministers on January 3 1, and decided to face a vote of confidence on February 3. However, the Governor directed the Speaker to fix the trial of strength on February 2. He also asked the Speaker to send his report to the Governor's Office "immediately".
In the trial of strength on February 2, my government received the support of 18 MLAs, with 6 MLAs voting against the motion.
After declaring the outcome of the confidence vote, the Speaker adjourned the House at 5.45 pm.
However, I received the letter of dismissal from the Governor at 6. 10 pm.
The record at the Legislative Assembly shows that the rider from the Governor's Office, who had brought the letter, had arrived at the Assembly at 5.45 pm.
It takes at least 15 minutes to drive from the Raj Bhavan to the Legislative Assembly.
This means that the Governor had prepared and signed the letter of dismissal even before the outcome of the trial of strength was known and also before receiving an official report from the Speaker.
This is further corroborated by the fact that when the Congress MLAs went to Raj Bhavan before the adjournment of the House, they found to their own surprise that the Governor had already issued orders of dismissal of my government.
All this clearly establishes the pre?meditated nature of the Governor's arbitrary action at the behest of the Congress High Command.
I would like to place before the nation, both the sequence of events as well as the political conspiracy hatched by the Congress high command, misusing the high office of the Governor.
Contrary to the perception in the media that instability in Goa was caused by defection of BJP MLAs, I would like to make it clear that the reality is completely different. None of the 17 MLAs of the BJP, who had won in the Assembly elections in June 2002, has defected till date.
My government has won widespread appreciation from all sections of the people in Goa for its pro?development approach and its spotlessly clean image. Recent political events in the state were triggered off by my strong action against one of the ministers, Shri Atanasio "Babush" Monserrate, a UGDP MLA who had later joined the BJP. As the minister of Town and Country Planning, he had started indulging in massive Corruption by converting land into commercial zone and bypassing the established urban development plans. The people were naturally concerned that Goa would be ruined if the minister's corrupt practices remained unchecked. I received numerous complaints against this minister.
Therefore, even at the risk of reducing my government's majority in the House, on January 27 1 stripped him of this important portfolio. Before doing so, I even took the Leader of the Opposition, Shri Pratap Singh Rane (who has now been wrongfully and unconstitutionally sworn in as the Chief Minister) into confidence that action against Mr. Monserrate had become necessary to save Goa. I would like to mention that Shri Rane supported my decision.
Mr. Monserrate resigned from the cabinet and, subsequently, along with three other MLAs who had pledged their support to my government, resigned from the House. At the instigation of the Congress party, Mr. Monserrate tried to persuade two other MLAs, one independent and the other belonging to the MGP, to withdraw their support to my government.
As a result of the resignation of four MLAs, the strength of the House was reduced to 36. My government continued to enjoy the support of 17 members of the BJP, including the Speaker, and one MLA, Mr. Mathany Saldhana, belonging to the UGDP.
Right from the beginning, I had maintained that the question whether the government enjoyed majority or not, must be ascertained on the floor of the House and not in Raj Bhavan. However, I was aware that the Raj Bhavan had already set in motion, under directions from the Congress High Command, efforts to destabilise my government.
I convened a meeting of my council of ministers on January 3 1, and decided to face a vote of confidence on February 3. However, the Governor directed the Speaker to fix the trial of strength on February 2. He also asked the Speaker to send his report to the Governor's Office "immediately".
In the trial of strength on February 2, my government received the support of 18 MLAs, with 6 MLAs voting against the motion.
After declaring the outcome of the confidence vote, the Speaker adjourned the House at 5.45 pm.
However, I received the letter of dismissal from the Governor at 6. 10 pm.
The record at the Legislative Assembly shows that the rider from the Governor's Office, who had brought the letter, had arrived at the Assembly at 5.45 pm.
It takes at least 15 minutes to drive from the Raj Bhavan to the Legislative Assembly.
This means that the Governor had prepared and signed the letter of dismissal even before the outcome of the trial of strength was known and also before receiving an official report from the Speaker.
This is further corroborated by the fact that when the Congress MLAs went to Raj Bhavan before the adjournment of the House, they found to their own surprise that the Governor had already issued orders of dismissal of my government.
All this clearly establishes the pre?meditated nature of the Governor's arbitrary action at the behest of the Congress High Command.
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